Kashmir and Sheikh Abdullah in Australian Press (1947-53) – A123LAD

Following are some newspaper clippings related to Kashmir and Sheikh Abdullah from 1947-53.

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old man — The Mail (Adelaide, SA ) Saturday 17 June 1950

Kashmir Is A Sportsman's Mecca (By Harold K. Milks) SRINAGAR (Associated Press). — Kashmir may be one big headache lo the United Nations. But it is paradise to the sportsman, especially if — like the writer — he prefers his hunting and fishing served up on a platter. Mention the word trout within hearing of a Kashmiri and there arc dozens of fishermen clamour ing to lake you to their favourite streams. Mention black or brown bear. Inquire about any or a half a dozen species of mountain goat from the seldom-shot markhor downward. Whisper a desire to shoot scrre deer, a giant panther, a snow leopard, some wild sheep. Suggest that your favourite sport is downing giant geese or ducks from a blind. The answer is all the same from personable Colonel Ghulam Qadir (Director General of Kashmir Tour ism), who has hunted in both North and South America. Africa and Europe — who still - says there is no sporting place like Kashmir. 'Wo have them all, just wait ing to be hunted,' he said. 'In most cases the hunting is not too difficult. This correspondent mentioned in an off moment that he had never shot a bear. 'Well fix that,' said Colonel Qadir. Forty-five minutes after leaving Nedous Hotel, the famous Kash mir resort founded in Srinagar by Qadir's grandfather, we were in bear country. Twenty onnutes later, after a walk of only 10 minutes from our jeep trail, 1 had the sights of a heavy double rifle on a husky voun'g bear, and within seconds the 3001b. animal was on his way to being a fur rug in this cor respondent's home. The personable colonel pro posed a return hunt and promised that it would include a good stag, plenty of geese and ducks, and — if the snow was not too heavy on the Himalayan Ranges — a monster brown bear as big and as dangerous as the North American grizzlies. 'This is the poor man's para dise,' insisted the colonel. 'Once you have a licence (and it is 130 rupees for the whole season) there are few other costs. Bring your own guns and ammunition, spend a few rupees for a shikarie (hunting guide) and shoot until the cows come home.' Black and brown bear are plentiful within 15 miles of Erinagar, Kashmir's capital, the black bear ranging upward to 5001b., the brownies weighing in at a top mark of around 8001b. Giant red stags are found in the highlands, especially during the autumn and winter. Higher up on the slopes of the Himalayan Ranges are no less than half a dozen varieties of wild goats, including the mark hors, which Colonel Qadir said is the world record markhor. Besides markhors, there are plenty of ibex, thar, gorel and serow, all types of mountain goats, plus Tibetan gazelles (goa) and Tibetan antelope (chiru). Wild sheep, cousins to the high-climbing goats, include ovis ammon (Hodgson), Sharpu (ovis vignei), and gharal or blue sheep (preseudois nayaur). HUGE ANTLERS Deer family members in the Kashmir shooting grounds are the hangul or Barasungha (Kashmir stag), whose antlers range up to a record mark of 51$ inches, and musk deer with four-inch tusks. Autumn brings some of the finest small game shooting in the world, and Colonel Qadir's guest book lists the names of some of the world's best known sports men who have shot from his blinds. Geese, duck, snipe, pheasants, and other game birds are found in plenty. Geese and ducks swarm into Keshmir in October, stay on until March, feeding over the lakes, rivers, and canals of the Kashmir Valley. Game and game birds are so plentiful— and hunters so few— that except for stag the Kashmir State Government has not found it necessary to fix bag limits. Even market hunters— boatmen who have mounted punt guns, muzzle-loading weapons with nails of old scrap iron on their boats— make no visible impres sion in the number of geese or ducks available in Kashmir. Pishing is much the same story. Several decades ago British sportsmen— with a financial boost from the then Maharaja of Kash muv-decided to stock some glacier-fed mountains with trout. To-day brown and rainbow trout are so plentiful that a season angler is guaranteed for his annual permit costing 400 rupees the right to fish in a dif ferent stream by himself every day between April 1 and Septem ber 30. Completely acclimatised, the trout reproduce on such a scale that fish and game wardens have found it un necessary to restock the streams from either of Kash mir's large trout hatcheries. For the man who wants a few days' fishing, Kashmir offers a choice of trout streams for a daily fee of only seven rupees. Top catch in the 1951 season was a trout of HZ-lb., taken oh a flv. The disturbed political situation between India and Pakistan over Kashmir is in part responsible for the glut of fish and game in this Himalayan State. Colonel Qadir said the situation had kept away many sportsmen who feared hunting and fishing areas would be closed, or pro hibitions imposed on bringing firearms and ammunition into a 'disturbed area.' Actually, Colonel Qadir said, there are no restrictions on any of the hunting and fishing re gions in Kashmir. — 2a Nambour Chronicle and North Coast Advertiser Friday 18 January 1952

Kashmir Is A Sportsman's Mecca (By Harold K. Milks) SRINAGAR (Associated Press). — Kashmir may be one big headache lo the United Nations. But it is paradise to the sportsman, especially if — like the writer — he prefers his hunting and fishing served up on a platter. Mention the word trout within hearing of a Kashmiri and there arc dozens of fishermen clamour ing to lake you to their favourite streams. Mention black or brown bear. Inquire about any or a half a dozen species of mountain goat from the seldom-shot markhor downward. Whisper a desire to shoot scrre deer, a giant panther, a snow leopard, some wild sheep. Suggest that your favourite sport is downing giant geese or ducks from a blind. The answer is all the same from personable Colonel Ghulam Qadir (Director General of Kashmir Tour ism), who has hunted in both North and South America. Africa and Europe — who still - says there is no sporting place like Kashmir. 'Wo have them all, just wait ing to be hunted,' he said. 'In most cases the hunting is not too difficult. This correspondent mentioned in an off moment that he had never shot a bear. 'Well fix that,' said Colonel Qadir. Forty-five minutes after leaving Nedous Hotel, the famous Kash mir resort founded in Srinagar by Qadir's grandfather, we were in bear country. Twenty onnutes later, after a walk of only 10 minutes from our jeep trail, 1 had the sights of a heavy double rifle on a husky voun'g bear, and within seconds the 3001b. animal was on his way to being a fur rug in this cor respondent's home. The personable colonel pro posed a return hunt and promised that it would include a good stag, plenty of geese and ducks, and — if the snow was not too heavy on the Himalayan Ranges — a monster brown bear as big and as dangerous as the North American grizzlies. 'This is the poor man's para dise,' insisted the colonel. 'Once you have a licence (and it is 130 rupees for the whole season) there are few other costs. Bring your own guns and ammunition, spend a few rupees for a shikarie (hunting guide) and shoot until the cows come home.' Black and brown bear are plentiful within 15 miles of Erinagar, Kashmir's capital, the black bear ranging upward to 5001b., the brownies weighing in at a top mark of around 8001b. Giant red stags are found in the highlands, especially during the autumn and winter. Higher up on the slopes of the Himalayan Ranges are no less than half a dozen varieties of wild goats, including the mark hors, which Colonel Qadir said is the world record markhor. Besides markhors, there are plenty of ibex, thar, gorel and serow, all types of mountain goats, plus Tibetan gazelles (goa) and Tibetan antelope (chiru). Wild sheep, cousins to the high-climbing goats, include ovis ammon (Hodgson), Sharpu (ovis vignei), and gharal or blue sheep (preseudois nayaur). HUGE ANTLERS Deer family members in the Kashmir shooting grounds are the hangul or Barasungha (Kashmir stag), whose antlers range up to a record mark of 51$ inches, and musk deer with four-inch tusks. Autumn brings some of the finest small game shooting in the world, and Colonel Qadir's guest book lists the names of some of the world's best known sports men who have shot from his blinds. Geese, duck, snipe, pheasants, and other game birds are found in plenty. Geese and ducks swarm into Keshmir in October, stay on until March, feeding over the lakes, rivers, and canals of the Kashmir Valley. Game and game birds are so plentiful— and hunters so few— that except for stag the Kashmir State Government has not found it necessary to fix bag limits. Even market hunters— boatmen who have mounted punt guns, muzzle-loading weapons with nails of old scrap iron on their boats— make no visible impres sion in the number of geese or ducks available in Kashmir. Pishing is much the same story. Several decades ago British sportsmen— with a financial boost from the then Maharaja of Kash muv-decided to stock some glacier-fed mountains with trout. To-day brown and rainbow trout are so plentiful that a season angler is guaranteed for his annual permit costing 400 rupees the right to fish in a dif ferent stream by himself every day between April 1 and Septem ber 30. Completely acclimatised, the trout reproduce on such a scale that fish and game wardens have found it un necessary to restock the streams from either of Kash mir's large trout hatcheries. For the man who wants a few days' fishing, Kashmir offers a choice of trout streams for a daily fee of only seven rupees. Top catch in the 1951 season was a trout of HZ-lb., taken oh a flv. The disturbed political situation between India and Pakistan over Kashmir is in part responsible for the glut of fish and game in this Himalayan State. Colonel Qadir said the situation had kept away many sportsmen who feared hunting and fishing areas would be closed, or pro hibitions imposed on bringing firearms and ammunition into a 'disturbed area.' Actually, Colonel Qadir said, there are no restrictions on any of the hunting and fishing re gions in Kashmir. — 2b Nambour Chronicle and North Coast Advertiser Friday 18 January 1952

Kashmir Is A Sportsman's Mecca (By Harold K. Milks) SRINAGAR (Associated Press). — Kashmir may be one big headache lo the United Nations. But it is paradise to the sportsman, especially if — like the writer — he prefers his hunting and fishing served up on a platter. Mention the word trout within hearing of a Kashmiri and there arc dozens of fishermen clamour ing to lake you to their favourite streams. Mention black or brown bear. Inquire about any or a half a dozen species of mountain goat from the seldom-shot markhor downward. Whisper a desire to shoot scrre deer, a giant panther, a snow leopard, some wild sheep. Suggest that your favourite sport is downing giant geese or ducks from a blind. The answer is all the same from personable Colonel Ghulam Qadir (Director General of Kashmir Tour ism), who has hunted in both North and South America. Africa and Europe — who still - says there is no sporting place like Kashmir. 'Wo have them all, just wait ing to be hunted,' he said. 'In most cases the hunting is not too difficult. This correspondent mentioned in an off moment that he had never shot a bear. 'Well fix that,' said Colonel Qadir. Forty-five minutes after leaving Nedous Hotel, the famous Kash mir resort founded in Srinagar by Qadir's grandfather, we were in bear country. Twenty onnutes later, after a walk of only 10 minutes from our jeep trail, 1 had the sights of a heavy double rifle on a husky voun'g bear, and within seconds the 3001b. animal was on his way to being a fur rug in this cor respondent's home. The personable colonel pro posed a return hunt and promised that it would include a good stag, plenty of geese and ducks, and — if the snow was not too heavy on the Himalayan Ranges — a monster brown bear as big and as dangerous as the North American grizzlies. 'This is the poor man's para dise,' insisted the colonel. 'Once you have a licence (and it is 130 rupees for the whole season) there are few other costs. Bring your own guns and ammunition, spend a few rupees for a shikarie (hunting guide) and shoot until the cows come home.' Black and brown bear are plentiful within 15 miles of Erinagar, Kashmir's capital, the black bear ranging upward to 5001b., the brownies weighing in at a top mark of around 8001b. Giant red stags are found in the highlands, especially during the autumn and winter. Higher up on the slopes of the Himalayan Ranges are no less than half a dozen varieties of wild goats, including the mark hors, which Colonel Qadir said is the world record markhor. Besides markhors, there are plenty of ibex, thar, gorel and serow, all types of mountain goats, plus Tibetan gazelles (goa) and Tibetan antelope (chiru). Wild sheep, cousins to the high-climbing goats, include ovis ammon (Hodgson), Sharpu (ovis vignei), and gharal or blue sheep (preseudois nayaur). HUGE ANTLERS Deer family members in the Kashmir shooting grounds are the hangul or Barasungha (Kashmir stag), whose antlers range up to a record mark of 51$ inches, and musk deer with four-inch tusks. Autumn brings some of the finest small game shooting in the world, and Colonel Qadir's guest book lists the names of some of the world's best known sports men who have shot from his blinds. Geese, duck, snipe, pheasants, and other game birds are found in plenty. Geese and ducks swarm into Keshmir in October, stay on until March, feeding over the lakes, rivers, and canals of the Kashmir Valley. Game and game birds are so plentiful— and hunters so few— that except for stag the Kashmir State Government has not found it necessary to fix bag limits. Even market hunters— boatmen who have mounted punt guns, muzzle-loading weapons with nails of old scrap iron on their boats— make no visible impres sion in the number of geese or ducks available in Kashmir. Pishing is much the same story. Several decades ago British sportsmen— with a financial boost from the then Maharaja of Kash muv-decided to stock some glacier-fed mountains with trout. To-day brown and rainbow trout are so plentiful that a season angler is guaranteed for his annual permit costing 400 rupees the right to fish in a dif ferent stream by himself every day between April 1 and Septem ber 30. Completely acclimatised, the trout reproduce on such a scale that fish and game wardens have found it un necessary to restock the streams from either of Kash mir's large trout hatcheries. For the man who wants a few days' fishing, Kashmir offers a choice of trout streams for a daily fee of only seven rupees. Top catch in the 1951 season was a trout of HZ-lb., taken oh a flv. The disturbed political situation between India and Pakistan over Kashmir is in part responsible for the glut of fish and game in this Himalayan State. Colonel Qadir said the situation had kept away many sportsmen who feared hunting and fishing areas would be closed, or pro hibitions imposed on bringing firearms and ammunition into a 'disturbed area.' Actually, Colonel Qadir said, there are no restrictions on any of the hunting and fishing re gions in Kashmir. — 2c Nambour Chronicle and North Coast Advertiser Friday 18 January 1952

Kashmir Is A Sportsman's Mecca (By Harold K. Milks) SRINAGAR (Associated Press). — Kashmir may be one big headache lo the United Nations. But it is paradise to the sportsman, especially if — like the writer — he prefers his hunting and fishing served up on a platter. Mention the word trout within hearing of a Kashmiri and there arc dozens of fishermen clamour ing to lake you to their favourite streams. Mention black or brown bear. Inquire about any or a half a dozen species of mountain goat from the seldom-shot markhor downward. Whisper a desire to shoot scrre deer, a giant panther, a snow leopard, some wild sheep. Suggest that your favourite sport is downing giant geese or ducks from a blind. The answer is all the same from personable Colonel Ghulam Qadir (Director General of Kashmir Tour ism), who has hunted in both North and South America. Africa and Europe — who still - says there is no sporting place like Kashmir. 'Wo have them all, just wait ing to be hunted,' he said. 'In most cases the hunting is not too difficult. This correspondent mentioned in an off moment that he had never shot a bear. 'Well fix that,' said Colonel Qadir. Forty-five minutes after leaving Nedous Hotel, the famous Kash mir resort founded in Srinagar by Qadir's grandfather, we were in bear country. Twenty onnutes later, after a walk of only 10 minutes from our jeep trail, 1 had the sights of a heavy double rifle on a husky voun'g bear, and within seconds the 3001b. animal was on his way to being a fur rug in this cor respondent's home. The personable colonel pro posed a return hunt and promised that it would include a good stag, plenty of geese and ducks, and — if the snow was not too heavy on the Himalayan Ranges — a monster brown bear as big and as dangerous as the North American grizzlies. 'This is the poor man's para dise,' insisted the colonel. 'Once you have a licence (and it is 130 rupees for the whole season) there are few other costs. Bring your own guns and ammunition, spend a few rupees for a shikarie (hunting guide) and shoot until the cows come home.' Black and brown bear are plentiful within 15 miles of Erinagar, Kashmir's capital, the black bear ranging upward to 5001b., the brownies weighing in at a top mark of around 8001b. Giant red stags are found in the highlands, especially during the autumn and winter. Higher up on the slopes of the Himalayan Ranges are no less than half a dozen varieties of wild goats, including the mark hors, which Colonel Qadir said is the world record markhor. Besides markhors, there are plenty of ibex, thar, gorel and serow, all types of mountain goats, plus Tibetan gazelles (goa) and Tibetan antelope (chiru). Wild sheep, cousins to the high-climbing goats, include ovis ammon (Hodgson), Sharpu (ovis vignei), and gharal or blue sheep (preseudois nayaur). HUGE ANTLERS Deer family members in the Kashmir shooting grounds are the hangul or Barasungha (Kashmir stag), whose antlers range up to a record mark of 51$ inches, and musk deer with four-inch tusks. Autumn brings some of the finest small game shooting in the world, and Colonel Qadir's guest book lists the names of some of the world's best known sports men who have shot from his blinds. Geese, duck, snipe, pheasants, and other game birds are found in plenty. Geese and ducks swarm into Keshmir in October, stay on until March, feeding over the lakes, rivers, and canals of the Kashmir Valley. Game and game birds are so plentiful— and hunters so few— that except for stag the Kashmir State Government has not found it necessary to fix bag limits. Even market hunters— boatmen who have mounted punt guns, muzzle-loading weapons with nails of old scrap iron on their boats— make no visible impres sion in the number of geese or ducks available in Kashmir. Pishing is much the same story. Several decades ago British sportsmen— with a financial boost from the then Maharaja of Kash muv-decided to stock some glacier-fed mountains with trout. To-day brown and rainbow trout are so plentiful that a season angler is guaranteed for his annual permit costing 400 rupees the right to fish in a dif ferent stream by himself every day between April 1 and Septem ber 30. Completely acclimatised, the trout reproduce on such a scale that fish and game wardens have found it un necessary to restock the streams from either of Kash mir's large trout hatcheries. For the man who wants a few days' fishing, Kashmir offers a choice of trout streams for a daily fee of only seven rupees. Top catch in the 1951 season was a trout of HZ-lb., taken oh a flv. The disturbed political situation between India and Pakistan over Kashmir is in part responsible for the glut of fish and game in this Himalayan State. Colonel Qadir said the situation had kept away many sportsmen who feared hunting and fishing areas would be closed, or pro hibitions imposed on bringing firearms and ammunition into a 'disturbed area.' Actually, Colonel Qadir said, there are no restrictions on any of the hunting and fishing re gions in Kashmir. — 2d Nambour Chronicle and North Coast Advertiser Friday 18 January 1952

War In India Closer' CALL TO ARAB LEAGUE OVER KASHMIR Courier-Mail Foreign Service and A.A.P. IONDON, October 30. — The two Dominions ?? of Pakistan and India are nearer war than ever over the Kashmir dispute, says the Daily Mail's New Delhi correspondent. He attributes the deterioration to a stiffening Pakistan attitude. The Daily Telegraph's Lahore correspond ent says it is believed in Lahore that the Governor-General of India (Lord Mountbatten) is using all his influence to bring about peace talks. The Premier of the North-West Frontier Province (Quaiyum Khan) has appealed to Afghanistan, .Persia, Turkey, and governments associated with the Arab League to 'prepare to face a new danger to Islam's existence,' which, he says, lies in Kashmir's accession to India. He declared that Kashmir's proposal to accede and the sending of Indian troops to Kashmir represented an at tempt to encircle Pakistan; says Reuters Peshawar cor respondent. British officers attached to the Indian Army have been ordered not to take 'part in operations in Kashmir, says The Times' New Delhi correspondent. Under an order of the Com mander-in-Chief of the Indian Army, any British officer now serving in 'Kashmir will be' with drawn as soon as possible, the cor respondent adds. Troops Flown In The Times of India says that four Royal Indian Air Force lighter aircraft were used on Octo ber 29 in support of Indian troops opposing Kashmir invaders west of Srinagar (Kashmir s summer capital). The Daily Mail's New Delhi correspondent says the Indian Government has transferred nearly all 'mercy' planes from evacuating refugees to flying re inforcements to Kashmir. t Most of the planes are piloted by Britons and Australians, and the Pakistan Government has pro tested that such military use of commercial planes is against in ternational law, the correspondent adds. Earlier the Daily Telegraph's New Delhi correspondent reported that reinforcements for the Srin gar defenders were being flown in in all available aircraft. ; Srinagar Threat 'Free Kashmir' troops were driving the small Indian force back.' the correspondent con tinued. 'Well disciplined, and armed with field artillery, they had forced two companies of Sikhs, forming the main western defence, to retire to within 20 miles of Srinacar. The Times' Srinapar corre spondent reported that the 'Free Kashmir' Irons were a erave menace to Srinaear. The rebel force, reinforced- by several thousand Moslem neasants. numbered 10.000. Srinagar de fenders comprised 1000 Kashmir State troops, two companies of Sikhs. Further Indian troops were besinnine to arrive by air. Reuters New Delhi correspon dent says the leader of the Kash mir Concress Partv (Sheikh Ab dullah) said that the raiders were mostly Pakistan troops in civilian dress. Plebiscite Plan Sheik Abdullah, who will head an Interim Kashmir Government, also said a plebiscite would be held as soon as possible to deter mine Kashmir's accession to India. He would not object to India and Pakistan jointly supervising the plebiscite. Reuters Karachi correspondent says a Pakistan Government spokesman said it might be taken for granted that Pakistan would refuse to accent Kash mir's accession to India. — 3a The Courier-Mail (Brisbane, Qld) Friday 31 October 1947

3b The Courier-Mail (Brisbane) Friday 31 October 1947

War In India Closer' CALL TO ARAB LEAGUE OVER KASHMIR Courier-Mail Foreign Service and A.A.P. IONDON, October 30. — The two Dominions ?? of Pakistan and India are nearer war than ever over the Kashmir dispute, says the Daily Mail's New Delhi correspondent. He attributes the deterioration to a stiffening Pakistan attitude. The Daily Telegraph's Lahore correspond ent says it is believed in Lahore that the Governor-General of India (Lord Mountbatten) is using all his influence to bring about peace talks. The Premier of the North-West Frontier Province (Quaiyum Khan) has appealed to Afghanistan, .Persia, Turkey, and governments associated with the Arab League to 'prepare to face a new danger to Islam's existence,' which, he says, lies in Kashmir's accession to India. He declared that Kashmir's proposal to accede and the sending of Indian troops to Kashmir represented an at tempt to encircle Pakistan; says Reuters Peshawar cor respondent. British officers attached to the Indian Army have been ordered not to take 'part in operations in Kashmir, says The Times' New Delhi correspondent. Under an order of the Com mander-in-Chief of the Indian Army, any British officer now serving in 'Kashmir will be' with drawn as soon as possible, the cor respondent adds. Troops Flown In The Times of India says that four Royal Indian Air Force lighter aircraft were used on Octo ber 29 in support of Indian troops opposing Kashmir invaders west of Srinagar (Kashmir s summer capital). The Daily Mail's New Delhi correspondent says the Indian Government has transferred nearly all 'mercy' planes from evacuating refugees to flying re inforcements to Kashmir. t Most of the planes are piloted by Britons and Australians, and the Pakistan Government has pro tested that such military use of commercial planes is against in ternational law, the correspondent adds. Earlier the Daily Telegraph's New Delhi correspondent reported that reinforcements for the Srin gar defenders were being flown in in all available aircraft. ; Srinagar Threat 'Free Kashmir' troops were driving the small Indian force back.' the correspondent con tinued. 'Well disciplined, and armed with field artillery, they had forced two companies of Sikhs, forming the main western defence, to retire to within 20 miles of Srinacar. The Times' Srinapar corre spondent reported that the 'Free Kashmir' Irons were a erave menace to Srinaear. The rebel force, reinforced- by several thousand Moslem neasants. numbered 10.000. Srinagar de fenders comprised 1000 Kashmir State troops, two companies of Sikhs. Further Indian troops were besinnine to arrive by air. Reuters New Delhi correspon dent says the leader of the Kash mir Concress Partv (Sheikh Ab dullah) said that the raiders were mostly Pakistan troops in civilian dress. Plebiscite Plan Sheik Abdullah, who will head an Interim Kashmir Government, also said a plebiscite would be held as soon as possible to deter mine Kashmir's accession to India. He would not object to India and Pakistan jointly supervising the plebiscite. Reuters Karachi correspondent says a Pakistan Government spokesman said it might be taken for granted that Pakistan would refuse to accent Kash mir's accession to India. — 3c The Courier-Mail (Brisbane) Friday 31 October 1947

Capture 2 — 4 The Daily News (Perth, WA) Tuesday 4 November 1947

MMii CONFLICT IS A CLASH OF TWO RIGHTS : ; - From-Michael Davidson-Exclusive to "The Mercury" iir Tasmania. ^ALCUTTA.-"Six of one and half a dozen of the other- is the most likely ultimate verdict on the morals of the Kashmir conflict. There is right on both sides; each admits to some wrong-in private. Jj'OR several weeks. I. have been talking.. " with men. in all walks of life; from Ministers and generals to shopkeepers, and. platoon commanders, in Pakistan and India arid in both the Kashmirs. Ir/ general there is a frank appre- ciation of the other side's point, of view ; and a readiness' ' to concede error! which ...does ? not tally with the tone of publics utterances or of the official reports: and documents pre- sented to the Security Council, in which each- government seeks to commend its own- case: and damn the other's. But only in private. "I'couldn't say this, if another Pakistani were present. I would be labelled pro Indian," one Karachi official said. Fear that open-mindedness will be construed as lack of patriotism compels many Pakistanis to sub- scribe to slogans of hatred and- sus- picion which they know in their hearts to be false. But if alone with you, they will be attractively object tive. The Indian Hindu is more soph- isticated; his flair for subtle ne- gotiation and his defensive caution., leave no room' for the bpyish can door of the less efficient but more imaginative Moslem. The Hindu generally loyally sus- tains the official "line"; but by im- plication, or simply a sphinx-like smile, he will show what he really thinks. Pakistanis concede that if Pathan raiders had not invaded Kashmir, Indian troops would not have done so either; the raiders' enterprise proved a regrettable boomerang for Pakistan. Indians agree that there would have .been no raiders had the Maha- raja's troops and police not attack- ed the Moslems in Jaminu. * * * * MO individual or govern- ment can* be charged with starting the Kashmir war; it was the consequence of a series of al- most fortuitous acts springing from the Punjab holocaust, as much a part of the mass madness surround- ing partition as Gandhi's death. Atrocities there have been, com- < mitted by irregular's on both sides.. The troops of the regular armies, both wholly British by training and tradition, have been exemp- lary. Indian and Pakistan generals * paid tribute to each other for their care in "containing" the war within its local context. One staff colonel de- scribed it as. a war "with rules like a football match." Privately, Indians and Pakistanis are ready to concede that they are not always right, and the other side not always wrong. . But on the main issue each stands by its arguments, and both arguments are mainly right. That is why this conflict is so -stubborn; it is a clash of two rights. "Geographically, economically and by religion. Kashmir is naturally ours," say Pakistanis. "We like India, which is fighting the poison of communalism," Sheikh Abdullah, declares; "Kashmir's trade has always been chiefly-with India, and her traditional trade route, did not touch what is now Pakistan." JgUT behind this intransi- gence there is a tendency on bobh sides to compromise, and . the principle of partition today is generally accepted. ? . Jammu and Kashmir have never been a. homogeneous. State. Thirteen languages are spoken. My talks v/ith. the Kashmiris of the valley indicate that the only thing which really interests them, is a revival of the tourist trade. "We want to stay on our own," most Srinagaris I talked, to said. Abdullah said to me: "Neither with India nor with Pakistan can. we have peace.1" In a sudden de- . viation from his policy of the in- corporation of Kashmir in the India Union, he urged that its in- dependence should be guaranteed not only by the two Dominions, Nbut also by the United Nations. If the Punjabis of the Poonch. area or the Pathans of Gilgit wanted to choose Pakistan,, let them do so,, be said; but for the true Kashmiris, whose whole economy depends on free access for visitors from, the en- tire sub-continent, and a free flow into the "rich" markets of the world for Kashmiri luxury goods,, perhaps some form of neutrality between the two Dominions was. the only solu-. tion. Certainly Abdullah's suggestion would seem to offer a logical sim- plification" of the problems, and one. involving neither Karachi nor Delhi in any surrender of' principle. Bub Maharaja Hari Singh's principality would have to be dismantled for good. — 5a The Mercury (Hobart, Tas.) Tuesday 24 May 1949

MMii CONFLICT IS A CLASH OF TWO RIGHTS : ; - From-Michael Davidson-Exclusive to "The Mercury" iir Tasmania. ^ALCUTTA.-"Six of one and half a dozen of the other- is the most likely ultimate verdict on the morals of the Kashmir conflict. There is right on both sides; each admits to some wrong-in private. Jj'OR several weeks. I. have been talking.. " with men. in all walks of life; from Ministers and generals to shopkeepers, and. platoon commanders, in Pakistan and India arid in both the Kashmirs. Ir/ general there is a frank appre- ciation of the other side's point, of view ; and a readiness' ' to concede error! which ...does ? not tally with the tone of publics utterances or of the official reports: and documents pre- sented to the Security Council, in which each- government seeks to commend its own- case: and damn the other's. But only in private. "I'couldn't say this, if another Pakistani were present. I would be labelled pro Indian," one Karachi official said. Fear that open-mindedness will be construed as lack of patriotism compels many Pakistanis to sub- scribe to slogans of hatred and- sus- picion which they know in their hearts to be false. But if alone with you, they will be attractively object tive. The Indian Hindu is more soph- isticated; his flair for subtle ne- gotiation and his defensive caution., leave no room' for the bpyish can door of the less efficient but more imaginative Moslem. The Hindu generally loyally sus- tains the official "line"; but by im- plication, or simply a sphinx-like smile, he will show what he really thinks. Pakistanis concede that if Pathan raiders had not invaded Kashmir, Indian troops would not have done so either; the raiders' enterprise proved a regrettable boomerang for Pakistan. Indians agree that there would have .been no raiders had the Maha- raja's troops and police not attack- ed the Moslems in Jaminu. * * * * MO individual or govern- ment can* be charged with starting the Kashmir war; it was the consequence of a series of al- most fortuitous acts springing from the Punjab holocaust, as much a part of the mass madness surround- ing partition as Gandhi's death. Atrocities there have been, com- < mitted by irregular's on both sides.. The troops of the regular armies, both wholly British by training and tradition, have been exemp- lary. Indian and Pakistan generals * paid tribute to each other for their care in "containing" the war within its local context. One staff colonel de- scribed it as. a war "with rules like a football match." Privately, Indians and Pakistanis are ready to concede that they are not always right, and the other side not always wrong. . But on the main issue each stands by its arguments, and both arguments are mainly right. That is why this conflict is so -stubborn; it is a clash of two rights. "Geographically, economically and by religion. Kashmir is naturally ours," say Pakistanis. "We like India, which is fighting the poison of communalism," Sheikh Abdullah, declares; "Kashmir's trade has always been chiefly-with India, and her traditional trade route, did not touch what is now Pakistan." JgUT behind this intransi- gence there is a tendency on bobh sides to compromise, and . the principle of partition today is generally accepted. ? . Jammu and Kashmir have never been a. homogeneous. State. Thirteen languages are spoken. My talks v/ith. the Kashmiris of the valley indicate that the only thing which really interests them, is a revival of the tourist trade. "We want to stay on our own," most Srinagaris I talked, to said. Abdullah said to me: "Neither with India nor with Pakistan can. we have peace.1" In a sudden de- . viation from his policy of the in- corporation of Kashmir in the India Union, he urged that its in- dependence should be guaranteed not only by the two Dominions, Nbut also by the United Nations. If the Punjabis of the Poonch. area or the Pathans of Gilgit wanted to choose Pakistan,, let them do so,, be said; but for the true Kashmiris, whose whole economy depends on free access for visitors from, the en- tire sub-continent, and a free flow into the "rich" markets of the world for Kashmiri luxury goods,, perhaps some form of neutrality between the two Dominions was. the only solu-. tion. Certainly Abdullah's suggestion would seem to offer a logical sim- plification" of the problems, and one. involving neither Karachi nor Delhi in any surrender of' principle. Bub Maharaja Hari Singh's principality would have to be dismantled for good. — 5b The Mercury (Hobart, Tas.) Tuesday 24 May 1949

6 The Advertiser (Adelaide, SA) Thursday 22 May 1952

Sheikh Abdullah sat jon the floor with his big map BEHIND THE NEWS By PETER RUSSO TT is disrespectful to the pioneers K of writing on India not to men- tion somewhere that India is a land of contrasts. Within five hours last week I had ta change from the flimsiest of underwear and light linen suiting into heavy woollens and overcoat. Í We had been in ! vited to dinner by ! , Sheikh Mohammad ! Abdullah, Prime Min ! ister of Jammu and ! Kashmir. ! And that meant I flying from New ! Delhi, which was very ! hot, to Kashmir, ! which was still very ? cold. [ The Prime Minister of ¡ Kashmir had issued the | invitation, and the Go ¡ vernment of India was ! organising our transport. | Like all parts of India, ¡ the State of Jammu and ¡ Kashmir has historical [ involvements associated t with the British occupa- tion, and it is impossible | to understand thoroughly the development of Kash miri politics without some knowledge of this background. Back in 1846, the Sikh armies were overcome by . the British at. the battle ' of Sabraon, and, in the treaty which followed, Kashmir was surrendered to the British as part payment of the war in- demnity. Kashmir was then sold for £750,000 to the Rajah of Jammu, Gulab Singh, who had helped the British to destroy the power of the Sikhs. Thus, v/hen Sheikh Abdullah began the "Quit Kash- mir" movement in 1946, he was speaking on be- half of a subject people which was trying to rid itself of Maharajah rule as much as British domination. On October 22, 1947, large bands of tribesmen, equipped with modern .weapons and transport, invaded Kashmir from the frontier1 of Pakistan. As the tribesmen, duly reinforced, were. ap- proaching Srinagar, the - capital, the Maharajah of Kashmir called on India for help, and of- fered the accession of the State to be within the Indian Union. India agreed to defend Kash- mir against the raiders. On this date, therefore, where most of the West- ern world is concerned, Kashmir . entered the 20th century. * WHAT was once a T backward, shabby State of little more than exotic consequence, became overnight another of those celebrated cock- pits where mighty foreign powers, as well as the un- fortunate inhabitants, are caught up in the tangle of power politics. It would be a privi lege for any student of U foreign affairs to hear ? the leading figure in the ? Kashmiri drama and - to ? observe his tactics in his ? own setting. I was not ? disappointed in Sheikh ? Abdullah, mainly because ? he was so far removed ? from the sinister por- ? traits that long-distance artiste are fond of mak- ing. * »THE Sheikh is a huge man-about six foot four - and built very much in proportion, especially about the head and feet. He has the bespectacled, austere look that one ex- pects of old-fashioned school teachers, and, in fact, he was a teacher before he took seriously to politics. He received us at his official residency in Jammu, relic of the British occupation, but it required only a swift look around to note that Abdullah's housekeeping was conducted on the strictest economy lines. Naked electric light bulbs flickered where, no doubt, glorious chande- liers had shed expansive illumination in the past, and the Sheikh's bath- room contained shreds of soap, which Indicated that no new cake was allowed until the last scraps had been washed away. . . THINNER was neat and dry, for the Sheikh is a devout Muslim. The eating equipment was cor- rectly lined up. Western fashion, but the main dish was a simple curry, with its voltage obviously reduced so as not to cor- rode the delicate Western palate. It was not until after dinner that the Sheikh responded to our prod- ding, and finally let him- self go. Then he talked for hours, and I can scarcely believe that he omitted one detail of the Kash- mir and related problems as seen bv Sheikh Ab- dullah, one of the cen- tral figures. He may have said it all before, but I shall never forget the flame which marked his de- scription of "Kashmir's struggle for freedom," and the fanatical convic- tion with which he laced his summary of "Pakis- tan's aggression." * ]^OR shall I forget the way he rolled out a large map of .India to illustrate his points and trace the campaigns and the scenes of the current raids. He sat on the floor to demonstrate positions on !| the map, and when the ¡¡ distances became too ¡¡ widespread his feet would !| co-operate with his ¡¡ hands to cover the area ','. under discussion. '! Sheikh Abdullah is the !| absolute zealot, the Mes- ¡ siah who genuinely be- ; Heves he is leading his j people out of the wilder- ' ness of feudalism, and a ' visit to Kashmir will per- ' suade the most sceptical ' observer that Abdullah 1 has done a remarkable ' .fob. , In Abdullah's opinion ' -one that certainly I counts - the issue be- ' tween India and Pakis- 1 tan affects Kashmir in ¡ many ways, but in only < one major aspect does it i permit of "no compro- j mise, no concession no < yielding." That is on the ¡ question of the theocra- « tie State as represented ! by Pakistan. j * ! ABDULLAH is firmly ! convinced that i Pakistani theocracy- ! that is to say the religi- ! ous State with all its | political and social im- < plications - is the very ! negation of progress. ! Although Abdullah is a ' Muslim, he says that ! he would rather die than ! "betray" the million ? non-Muslims of Kash- ¡ mir and throw them to ' the "intolerant di'scrlm- ! ination" of the "Pakis- ¡ tani mullahs."' i This is not to say that ' Abdullah's devotion to the Indian Union is ab- , solute. He has fre- quently expressed Kash- mir's intention of de- veloping' autonomously within the Union, and , he is extremely jealous of his State rights. * TN his summing up, ! Abdullah stated ; bluntly that there ] could be no settlement of the Kashmir issue I until Western arbitra- ] tors learned to "feel" the < communal struggle be ! hind it. . i He insisted it, was no ] use being legalistic about > the division of men's ¡ souls, and communalism « and theocracy resorted ! to just this kind of divl- ] sion. i Abdullah's dinner j party was a revelation, i the more so in that I j was able to check many < of his propositions later ! in Jammu and Srinagar. ] — 7b The Argus (Melbourne, Vic) Monday 23 March 1953

Sheikh Abdullah sat jon the floor with his big map BEHIND THE NEWS By PETER RUSSO TT is disrespectful to the pioneers K of writing on India not to men- tion somewhere that India is a land of contrasts. Within five hours last week I had ta change from the flimsiest of underwear and light linen suiting into heavy woollens and overcoat. Í We had been in ! vited to dinner by ! , Sheikh Mohammad ! Abdullah, Prime Min ! ister of Jammu and ! Kashmir. ! And that meant I flying from New ! Delhi, which was very ! hot, to Kashmir, ! which was still very ? cold. [ The Prime Minister of ¡ Kashmir had issued the | invitation, and the Go ¡ vernment of India was ! organising our transport. | Like all parts of India, ¡ the State of Jammu and ¡ Kashmir has historical [ involvements associated t with the British occupa- tion, and it is impossible | to understand thoroughly the development of Kash miri politics without some knowledge of this background. Back in 1846, the Sikh armies were overcome by . the British at. the battle ' of Sabraon, and, in the treaty which followed, Kashmir was surrendered to the British as part payment of the war in- demnity. Kashmir was then sold for £750,000 to the Rajah of Jammu, Gulab Singh, who had helped the British to destroy the power of the Sikhs. Thus, v/hen Sheikh Abdullah began the "Quit Kash- mir" movement in 1946, he was speaking on be- half of a subject people which was trying to rid itself of Maharajah rule as much as British domination. On October 22, 1947, large bands of tribesmen, equipped with modern .weapons and transport, invaded Kashmir from the frontier1 of Pakistan. As the tribesmen, duly reinforced, were. ap- proaching Srinagar, the - capital, the Maharajah of Kashmir called on India for help, and of- fered the accession of the State to be within the Indian Union. India agreed to defend Kash- mir against the raiders. On this date, therefore, where most of the West- ern world is concerned, Kashmir . entered the 20th century. * WHAT was once a T backward, shabby State of little more than exotic consequence, became overnight another of those celebrated cock- pits where mighty foreign powers, as well as the un- fortunate inhabitants, are caught up in the tangle of power politics. It would be a privi lege for any student of U foreign affairs to hear ? the leading figure in the ? Kashmiri drama and - to ? observe his tactics in his ? own setting. I was not ? disappointed in Sheikh ? Abdullah, mainly because ? he was so far removed ? from the sinister por- ? traits that long-distance artiste are fond of mak- ing. * »THE Sheikh is a huge man-about six foot four - and built very much in proportion, especially about the head and feet. He has the bespectacled, austere look that one ex- pects of old-fashioned school teachers, and, in fact, he was a teacher before he took seriously to politics. He received us at his official residency in Jammu, relic of the British occupation, but it required only a swift look around to note that Abdullah's housekeeping was conducted on the strictest economy lines. Naked electric light bulbs flickered where, no doubt, glorious chande- liers had shed expansive illumination in the past, and the Sheikh's bath- room contained shreds of soap, which Indicated that no new cake was allowed until the last scraps had been washed away. . . THINNER was neat and dry, for the Sheikh is a devout Muslim. The eating equipment was cor- rectly lined up. Western fashion, but the main dish was a simple curry, with its voltage obviously reduced so as not to cor- rode the delicate Western palate. It was not until after dinner that the Sheikh responded to our prod- ding, and finally let him- self go. Then he talked for hours, and I can scarcely believe that he omitted one detail of the Kash- mir and related problems as seen bv Sheikh Ab- dullah, one of the cen- tral figures. He may have said it all before, but I shall never forget the flame which marked his de- scription of "Kashmir's struggle for freedom," and the fanatical convic- tion with which he laced his summary of "Pakis- tan's aggression." * ]^OR shall I forget the way he rolled out a large map of .India to illustrate his points and trace the campaigns and the scenes of the current raids. He sat on the floor to demonstrate positions on !| the map, and when the ¡¡ distances became too ¡¡ widespread his feet would !| co-operate with his ¡¡ hands to cover the area ','. under discussion. '! Sheikh Abdullah is the !| absolute zealot, the Mes- ¡ siah who genuinely be- ; Heves he is leading his j people out of the wilder- ' ness of feudalism, and a ' visit to Kashmir will per- ' suade the most sceptical ' observer that Abdullah 1 has done a remarkable ' .fob. , In Abdullah's opinion ' -one that certainly I counts - the issue be- ' tween India and Pakis- 1 tan affects Kashmir in ¡ many ways, but in only < one major aspect does it i permit of "no compro- j mise, no concession no < yielding." That is on the ¡ question of the theocra- « tie State as represented ! by Pakistan. j * ! ABDULLAH is firmly ! convinced that i Pakistani theocracy- ! that is to say the religi- ! ous State with all its | political and social im- < plications - is the very ! negation of progress. ! Although Abdullah is a ' Muslim, he says that ! he would rather die than ! "betray" the million ? non-Muslims of Kash- ¡ mir and throw them to ' the "intolerant di'scrlm- ! ination" of the "Pakis- ¡ tani mullahs."' i This is not to say that ' Abdullah's devotion to the Indian Union is ab- , solute. He has fre- quently expressed Kash- mir's intention of de- veloping' autonomously within the Union, and , he is extremely jealous of his State rights. * TN his summing up, ! Abdullah stated ; bluntly that there ] could be no settlement of the Kashmir issue I until Western arbitra- ] tors learned to "feel" the < communal struggle be ! hind it. . i He insisted it, was no ] use being legalistic about > the division of men's ¡ souls, and communalism « and theocracy resorted ! to just this kind of divl- ] sion. i Abdullah's dinner j party was a revelation, i the more so in that I j was able to check many < of his propositions later ! in Jammu and Srinagar. ] — 7a The Argus (Melbourne, Vic) Monday 23 March 1953

The Dual Bid For Vale Of Kashmir From DOUGLAS WILKIE Sixth of a Series Our Dakota wove its way alarmingly through a Himalayan pass into the Vale of Kashmir, loveliest trouble spot in the world. Officials who welcomed us at Srinagar landing strip were intent on showing us how democracy had come to Kashmir. But bv wav of nre f ace they showed us things that had nothing to do with democracy. THEY took us by boat; across the lake to the , famous garden of Shali-. mar, and to the less; famous but even more beau tiful garden called Nishat. Here are miles of man made cascades and foun tains, set in wide lawns, shadowed by giant plane trees and avenues of poplar, and flanked by orchards of cherry, apple, peach and plum. It was early spring. Only crocuses and almonds were in bloom. But a million rose bushes flaunted a pro mise of perfume and splen dor. The Mogul emperors built these pleasure gardens three centuries ago. Some of the miles of massive stone and metal pipes they laid are still in service. The rock slabs beneath the bigger fountains are still scorched by the flaming oil which illu minated the fountains more magically than any device of electric floodlight or neon. The Moguls, remembering their arid homelands in Cen tral Asia, never tired of cool fountains. They came here I hot from their conquests, to wash the blood from their hands and indulge their sensuous whims. The loot of India adorned their summer palaces. Relays of slaves brought snow from the mountains above to cool their larders. The moun tain peaks are so numerous that even today only those higher than 10,000 ft. are thought worthy of a name. Povertv s, The glory of the Moguls dies hard, but the beauty of it all has nothing to do with democracy. In fact the 1,700 peasants who till the Kashmir plateau lived until lately in abysmal poverty, amid all the dirt and disease which goes with poverty and a sense of hope lessness. One wonders whether foreign tourists can have genuinely enjoyed those once vaunted holidays in a Kash miri houseboat, protected from the beggars and the dirt only by their own thick skins and liberal doses of chlorine. I had talked the previous day with the Premier (Sheikh Abdullah) at Jammu, winter capital of the Jammu-Kashmir province, 4,000 ft. below the vale. After dinner we had sat on the terrace of his resi dence, overlooking the fort ress where ' Abdullah spent many years behind bars, by order of the degenerate Maharajah who ruled in Jammu-Kashmir when it was a princely state under the British Raj. Abdullah, a tall, vigorous man, who looks younger than his years, had been eloquent in flawless English. He had spent three hours propounding his version, Sheikh Abdullah Sheikh Abdullah point by point, ol the legal, military and economic intri cacies of the dispute between India and Pakistan over Kashmir, and his justifica tion of his Government's accession to India. 'It is not a Kashmir prob lem,' he said. 'It is a Paki stan problem,' and added: — 'You will go to Kashmir tomorrow, and see for your self.' Since UN has been unable to resolve the Kashmir dis pute it is not for me to weigh the pros and cons. Democracy I can only vouch that from all appearances the legalistic issues involved are much less potent than the social philosophy of Pandit Nehru and his close personal friend, Sheikh Abdullah. Nehru, himself a Kashmiri by descent, is determined to bring democracy to Kashmir. And, although Kashmir's population is 90 p.c. Moslem, he believes that a secular In dian Government can pro vide a better new deal than a theocratic Pakistan, more tolerant of feudal landlord ism than India. He believes that Pakistan flouted democraey by deny ing self-determination to the Moslem in the adjacent North-West Frontier Pro vince, where the Socialist and pro-Indian leader (Gaf fir Khan) still languishes in gaol, untried. He is fearful of the insta bility of a Pakistan which constitutionally excludes non-Moslem from high office, and which is already having its central powers challenged by a secessionist movement in East Bengal. The strength of Nehru's fears I cannot presume to judge. But as motivations, they make more sense than all the stalling over boun daries, plebiscites and troops dispositions. A Race Kashmir is racing to pre sent the world with cutand dried revolution. Much is being achieved by internal effort. But much undisclosed aid is also being poured in by India. New Delhi is racing to make Kashmir a show place of quite a different sort from that depicted by tourist posters. Rackrenting landlords have been expropriated, all lands redistributed to peasant owners, and roads and bridges built. There are 500 coopera tives, and in every village a communal radio set. Food and basic commodities are distributed at fixed prices, through Government agen cies. There are new schools, technical colleges and even a University, New rice mills are being installed, to retain vitamins in the grain. New electrical plants will soon bring light and power to the whole plateau, at nominal cost. ? one comment on all this was provided by a bestsell ing American magazine of the glossier and slicker sort, which denounced Sheik Ab dullah as a 'Communist.' A more useful comment per tiaps, is to be found in the fact that opposition to the so-called National Con ference Party, which Abdul lah leads, comes neither from the Muslim majority nor Hindu minority, in the communal sense. It comes from an alliance of dispossessed Moslem landlords and frustrated Hindu merchants, who have lost the unearned incomes from their estates, and the exorbitant profits of their shops. Choice If there were a plebiscite in Kashmir tomorrow I have little doubt that the Kash miris would vote for staying with the new Indian friends they know, rather than transferring to the Paki stanis who want to emSrace them. But this is not the end of the problem, Jammu, the affiliated province down in the foothills, has a larger Hindu population and, para doxically, on this very ac count, is a greater worry to New Delhi. - Here the wealthy Hindus are strong enbugh to express violent resentment of the Nehru-Abdullah economic reform programme. They have been able to enlist to their support some of the most reactionary Hindus in India. They combine an ob jection to secular democracy with the sort of noisy fist shaking against Pakistan which is Karachi's best pro paganda weapon. Postscript.— A fairly prac tical and equitable solution of the Kashmir dispute would be to recognise the vale's ac cession to India, and to cede to Pakistan those areas of Kashmir and Jammu which now lie oh the Pakistan side of the cease-fire line. It is improbable that this solution will be accepted. On the contrary, it is certain that such Indians and Paki stanis as may read this article will indignantly bombard and blast me with propaganda, additional to the several hundred thousand words they have already con tributed to my files. I can do no more than re fer them to each other's arguments. — 8a The Advertiser (Adelaide, SA ) Wednesday 8 April 1953

The Dual Bid For Vale Of Kashmir From DOUGLAS WILKIE Sixth of a Series Our Dakota wove its way alarmingly through a Himalayan pass into the Vale of Kashmir, loveliest trouble spot in the world. Officials who welcomed us at Srinagar landing strip were intent on showing us how democracy had come to Kashmir. But bv wav of nre f ace they showed us things that had nothing to do with democracy. THEY took us by boat; across the lake to the , famous garden of Shali-. mar, and to the less; famous but even more beau tiful garden called Nishat. Here are miles of man made cascades and foun tains, set in wide lawns, shadowed by giant plane trees and avenues of poplar, and flanked by orchards of cherry, apple, peach and plum. It was early spring. Only crocuses and almonds were in bloom. But a million rose bushes flaunted a pro mise of perfume and splen dor. The Mogul emperors built these pleasure gardens three centuries ago. Some of the miles of massive stone and metal pipes they laid are still in service. The rock slabs beneath the bigger fountains are still scorched by the flaming oil which illu minated the fountains more magically than any device of electric floodlight or neon. The Moguls, remembering their arid homelands in Cen tral Asia, never tired of cool fountains. They came here I hot from their conquests, to wash the blood from their hands and indulge their sensuous whims. The loot of India adorned their summer palaces. Relays of slaves brought snow from the mountains above to cool their larders. The moun tain peaks are so numerous that even today only those higher than 10,000 ft. are thought worthy of a name. Povertv s, The glory of the Moguls dies hard, but the beauty of it all has nothing to do with democracy. In fact the 1,700 peasants who till the Kashmir plateau lived until lately in abysmal poverty, amid all the dirt and disease which goes with poverty and a sense of hope lessness. One wonders whether foreign tourists can have genuinely enjoyed those once vaunted holidays in a Kash miri houseboat, protected from the beggars and the dirt only by their own thick skins and liberal doses of chlorine. I had talked the previous day with the Premier (Sheikh Abdullah) at Jammu, winter capital of the Jammu-Kashmir province, 4,000 ft. below the vale. After dinner we had sat on the terrace of his resi dence, overlooking the fort ress where ' Abdullah spent many years behind bars, by order of the degenerate Maharajah who ruled in Jammu-Kashmir when it was a princely state under the British Raj. Abdullah, a tall, vigorous man, who looks younger than his years, had been eloquent in flawless English. He had spent three hours propounding his version, Sheikh Abdullah Sheikh Abdullah point by point, ol the legal, military and economic intri cacies of the dispute between India and Pakistan over Kashmir, and his justifica tion of his Government's accession to India. 'It is not a Kashmir prob lem,' he said. 'It is a Paki stan problem,' and added: — 'You will go to Kashmir tomorrow, and see for your self.' Since UN has been unable to resolve the Kashmir dis pute it is not for me to weigh the pros and cons. Democracy I can only vouch that from all appearances the legalistic issues involved are much less potent than the social philosophy of Pandit Nehru and his close personal friend, Sheikh Abdullah. Nehru, himself a Kashmiri by descent, is determined to bring democracy to Kashmir. And, although Kashmir's population is 90 p.c. Moslem, he believes that a secular In dian Government can pro vide a better new deal than a theocratic Pakistan, more tolerant of feudal landlord ism than India. He believes that Pakistan flouted democraey by deny ing self-determination to the Moslem in the adjacent North-West Frontier Pro vince, where the Socialist and pro-Indian leader (Gaf fir Khan) still languishes in gaol, untried. He is fearful of the insta bility of a Pakistan which constitutionally excludes non-Moslem from high office, and which is already having its central powers challenged by a secessionist movement in East Bengal. The strength of Nehru's fears I cannot presume to judge. But as motivations, they make more sense than all the stalling over boun daries, plebiscites and troops dispositions. A Race Kashmir is racing to pre sent the world with cutand dried revolution. Much is being achieved by internal effort. But much undisclosed aid is also being poured in by India. New Delhi is racing to make Kashmir a show place of quite a different sort from that depicted by tourist posters. Rackrenting landlords have been expropriated, all lands redistributed to peasant owners, and roads and bridges built. There are 500 coopera tives, and in every village a communal radio set. Food and basic commodities are distributed at fixed prices, through Government agen cies. There are new schools, technical colleges and even a University, New rice mills are being installed, to retain vitamins in the grain. New electrical plants will soon bring light and power to the whole plateau, at nominal cost. ? one comment on all this was provided by a bestsell ing American magazine of the glossier and slicker sort, which denounced Sheik Ab dullah as a 'Communist.' A more useful comment per tiaps, is to be found in the fact that opposition to the so-called National Con ference Party, which Abdul lah leads, comes neither from the Muslim majority nor Hindu minority, in the communal sense. It comes from an alliance of dispossessed Moslem landlords and frustrated Hindu merchants, who have lost the unearned incomes from their estates, and the exorbitant profits of their shops. Choice If there were a plebiscite in Kashmir tomorrow I have little doubt that the Kash miris would vote for staying with the new Indian friends they know, rather than transferring to the Paki stanis who want to emSrace them. But this is not the end of the problem, Jammu, the affiliated province down in the foothills, has a larger Hindu population and, para doxically, on this very ac count, is a greater worry to New Delhi. - Here the wealthy Hindus are strong enbugh to express violent resentment of the Nehru-Abdullah economic reform programme. They have been able to enlist to their support some of the most reactionary Hindus in India. They combine an ob jection to secular democracy with the sort of noisy fist shaking against Pakistan which is Karachi's best pro paganda weapon. Postscript.— A fairly prac tical and equitable solution of the Kashmir dispute would be to recognise the vale's ac cession to India, and to cede to Pakistan those areas of Kashmir and Jammu which now lie oh the Pakistan side of the cease-fire line. It is improbable that this solution will be accepted. On the contrary, it is certain that such Indians and Paki stanis as may read this article will indignantly bombard and blast me with propaganda, additional to the several hundred thousand words they have already con tributed to my files. I can do no more than re fer them to each other's arguments. — 8b The Advertiser (Adelaide, SA ) Wednesday 8 April 1953

KASHMIR MAY SOLVE ITSELF gASHMIR is still a source of conflict between India and Pakistan, although critical situa- tions in other parts of the world have pushed it into the background. Mr. Nehru and Mohammed Ali, Pakistan's Prime Minister, were unable to make »ny pro- gress on Kashmir when they met in secret talks this week. But encouragement may be found in the friendly atmosphere which seems to be developing between them. India and Pakistan, which were almost at war not so long ago, have begun to realise, their ow« foolishness. And not before time, because _ hostility and suspicion are imposing a crippling defence burden on both countries. The excuse given for'the continued hold up ' over ^Kashmir is that the two Governments can - not agree on conditions for a plebiscite to deter- mine Kashmir's future. This seems to be evading the issue. The plebiscite is outdated, and it will be surprising if it is ever held. The local authori- ties which took over in Kashmir, Sheikh Abdullah and the Azad Free Government, have been in power too long to be removed so easily. Kashmir was an artificial creation in the first place, and under pressure it is breaking up into its component parts: This seems as satis- factory a way out as any, and perhaps India and Pakistan are coming round to that opinion. If they can agree not to provoke trouble, an explosive situation may, in time, solve itself. — 9 The Mercury (Hobart, Tas) Thursday 30 July 1953

The Dual Bid For Vale Of Kashmir From DOUGLAS WILKIE Sixth of a Series Our Dakota wove its way alarmingly through a Himalayan pass into the Vale of Kashmir, loveliest trouble spot in the world. Officials who welcomed us at Srinagar landing strip were intent on showing us how democracy had come to Kashmir. But bv wav of nre f ace they showed us things that had nothing to do with democracy. THEY took us by boat; across the lake to the , famous garden of Shali-. mar, and to the less; famous but even more beau tiful garden called Nishat. Here are miles of man made cascades and foun tains, set in wide lawns, shadowed by giant plane trees and avenues of poplar, and flanked by orchards of cherry, apple, peach and plum. It was early spring. Only crocuses and almonds were in bloom. But a million rose bushes flaunted a pro mise of perfume and splen dor. The Mogul emperors built these pleasure gardens three centuries ago. Some of the miles of massive stone and metal pipes they laid are still in service. The rock slabs beneath the bigger fountains are still scorched by the flaming oil which illu minated the fountains more magically than any device of electric floodlight or neon. The Moguls, remembering their arid homelands in Cen tral Asia, never tired of cool fountains. They came here I hot from their conquests, to wash the blood from their hands and indulge their sensuous whims. The loot of India adorned their summer palaces. Relays of slaves brought snow from the mountains above to cool their larders. The moun tain peaks are so numerous that even today only those higher than 10,000 ft. are thought worthy of a name. Povertv s, The glory of the Moguls dies hard, but the beauty of it all has nothing to do with democracy. In fact the 1,700 peasants who till the Kashmir plateau lived until lately in abysmal poverty, amid all the dirt and disease which goes with poverty and a sense of hope lessness. One wonders whether foreign tourists can have genuinely enjoyed those once vaunted holidays in a Kash miri houseboat, protected from the beggars and the dirt only by their own thick skins and liberal doses of chlorine. I had talked the previous day with the Premier (Sheikh Abdullah) at Jammu, winter capital of the Jammu-Kashmir province, 4,000 ft. below the vale. After dinner we had sat on the terrace of his resi dence, overlooking the fort ress where ' Abdullah spent many years behind bars, by order of the degenerate Maharajah who ruled in Jammu-Kashmir when it was a princely state under the British Raj. Abdullah, a tall, vigorous man, who looks younger than his years, had been eloquent in flawless English. He had spent three hours propounding his version, Sheikh Abdullah Sheikh Abdullah point by point, ol the legal, military and economic intri cacies of the dispute between India and Pakistan over Kashmir, and his justifica tion of his Government's accession to India. 'It is not a Kashmir prob lem,' he said. 'It is a Paki stan problem,' and added: — 'You will go to Kashmir tomorrow, and see for your self.' Since UN has been unable to resolve the Kashmir dis pute it is not for me to weigh the pros and cons. Democracy I can only vouch that from all appearances the legalistic issues involved are much less potent than the social philosophy of Pandit Nehru and his close personal friend, Sheikh Abdullah. Nehru, himself a Kashmiri by descent, is determined to bring democracy to Kashmir. And, although Kashmir's population is 90 p.c. Moslem, he believes that a secular In dian Government can pro vide a better new deal than a theocratic Pakistan, more tolerant of feudal landlord ism than India. He believes that Pakistan flouted democraey by deny ing self-determination to the Moslem in the adjacent North-West Frontier Pro vince, where the Socialist and pro-Indian leader (Gaf fir Khan) still languishes in gaol, untried. He is fearful of the insta bility of a Pakistan which constitutionally excludes non-Moslem from high office, and which is already having its central powers challenged by a secessionist movement in East Bengal. The strength of Nehru's fears I cannot presume to judge. But as motivations, they make more sense than all the stalling over boun daries, plebiscites and troops dispositions. A Race Kashmir is racing to pre sent the world with cutand dried revolution. Much is being achieved by internal effort. But much undisclosed aid is also being poured in by India. New Delhi is racing to make Kashmir a show place of quite a different sort from that depicted by tourist posters. Rackrenting landlords have been expropriated, all lands redistributed to peasant owners, and roads and bridges built. There are 500 coopera tives, and in every village a communal radio set. Food and basic commodities are distributed at fixed prices, through Government agen cies. There are new schools, technical colleges and even a University, New rice mills are being installed, to retain vitamins in the grain. New electrical plants will soon bring light and power to the whole plateau, at nominal cost. ? one comment on all this was provided by a bestsell ing American magazine of the glossier and slicker sort, which denounced Sheik Ab dullah as a 'Communist.' A more useful comment per tiaps, is to be found in the fact that opposition to the so-called National Con ference Party, which Abdul lah leads, comes neither from the Muslim majority nor Hindu minority, in the communal sense. It comes from an alliance of dispossessed Moslem landlords and frustrated Hindu merchants, who have lost the unearned incomes from their estates, and the exorbitant profits of their shops. Choice If there were a plebiscite in Kashmir tomorrow I have little doubt that the Kash miris would vote for staying with the new Indian friends they know, rather than transferring to the Paki stanis who want to emSrace them. But this is not the end of the problem, Jammu, the affiliated province down in the foothills, has a larger Hindu population and, para doxically, on this very ac count, is a greater worry to New Delhi. - Here the wealthy Hindus are strong enbugh to express violent resentment of the Nehru-Abdullah economic reform programme. They have been able to enlist to their support some of the most reactionary Hindus in India. They combine an ob jection to secular democracy with the sort of noisy fist shaking against Pakistan which is Karachi's best pro paganda weapon. Postscript.— A fairly prac tical and equitable solution of the Kashmir dispute would be to recognise the vale's ac cession to India, and to cede to Pakistan those areas of Kashmir and Jammu which now lie oh the Pakistan side of the cease-fire line. It is improbable that this solution will be accepted. On the contrary, it is certain that such Indians and Paki stanis as may read this article will indignantly bombard and blast me with propaganda, additional to the several hundred thousand words they have already con tributed to my files. I can do no more than re fer them to each other's arguments. — 8c The Advertiser (Adelaide, SA ) Wednesday 8 April 1953

"HON" KV A CftDEB CAOC India Tightens Her Grip On Kashmir m From Our London Office The Prime Minister of Pakistan, Mohammed Ali, as he sat in his study in Karachi last week, heard the most fearsome sound since he took office three months ago. A mob of thousands outside was shouting, "War with India." '"PHE issue is Kashmir, the major cause of bitter- ness between the two Com- monwealth countries for six years; the cause is India tightening her grip on the disputed State. The "Lion of Kashmir," gigantic, athletic Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah, is in a gilded cage stripped of his office as Kashmir Prime Mini- ster and under luxurious arrest. The Kashmir head of State has ousted him, say indepen- dent observers in Delhi, because he would no longer perform the tricks for his erstwhile keeper, Pandit Nehru. The Pakistanis, although Sheikh Abdullah was for years their enemy No. 1, are furious. For Abdullah has been replaced by a. solidly pro India regime which can be expected to take Kashmir further along the road to union with India. Sheikh Abdullah, a massive, 6ft 4in figure with flashing eyes and a rich, vibrant voice, has been in the centre of the Kashmiri controversy for 20 years, and during his six years as Prime Minister has ruled his country by personality as much as by principle. . It seemed that he had a hold on the affections of large numbers of Kashmiris. They have known him for 20 years as a fighter. Ever since he left Aligarh Univer- sity-where he became a Master of Science-he has been fighting. Through six years of fight- ing and then of a trail .of commissions delegations, and arbitrators Sheikh Abdul- lah has stayed in the job up- held by India and more often than not denigrated by Pakis- tan for being a Moslem who would not ally himself to thc Moslem world. His friend in India was Nehru, an old comrade of 20 years standing and, inciden- tally, a Kashmiri Brahmin by origin, and there is little doubt that Nehru looked to Abdullah to keep Kashmiri aligned with India, even though most Kash- miris are Moslems. But in the last year, snags began to arise. Sheikh Abdul- lah, who has been called thc "lion of Kashmir," no doubt because he has been undis- puted king of the Kashmiri political jungle, seemed to bc showing an. independent turn of mind. He decided on a general election in Kashmir-to pro- vide the disputed State with a constituent Assembly, and went through with it, despite United Nations protests. At the first meeting of the Assembly in thc white-washed summer palace of the Mahara- jah, Abdullah rose to speak of the advantages of a tie with India. But at the second meeting Abdullah was talking of thc Indian Parliament not having any jurisdiction over Kashmir. Later still came fighting words: "Sheikh Abdullah does not fear anyone in this world. He will not bow down before India or Pakistan or America or any other nation." A crisis could be seen ap- proaching from a great dis- tance. What seemed to be .appening was that while India and Pakistan squabbled over Kashmir and both claimed it, Kashmir herself began to rise and see a vision of indepen- dence. Abdullah began even to question the Act of Accession to India of 1947, which is thc basis of India's legal claim to Kashmir. Last week he said it might well be legally valid, but, he asked, was it morally valid? The people of Kashmir had had no chance to endorse it, and he pointed out that acces- sen to India by the Maharajah Hari Singh had been forced by circumstances rather than by desire. That, perhaps, was the end, or the cause of Abdullah's end as Prime Minister. Last week- end Abdullah was dismissed by the Maharajah's young son, Karan Singh, who stayed on ' when his father fled, and was eventually voted constitutional head of Kashmir. The reason given for his dis- missal is that a majority in Abdullah's Cabinet felt it has lost the backing of the people. At once a disclaimer that India had anything to do with the dismissal came from Delhi, but "The Times" correspondent pointed out that with 20,000 Indian soldiers in Kashmir, little could take place without Indian connivance. Nehru expressed his regrets that his old friend, Abdullah, should have come into conflict with other comrades in Kash- mir. He added that although he had not received the exact papers on the matter, he understood the dismissal was "in the interests of the peace of the State, which was threatened in various ways." But the situation is far from comforting to those seeking an end to the drag- ging Kashmiri dispute, lt is the issue closest to the heart of the Pakistanis, and is the signal for a new outbreak of bitterness against India. — 10a The Sunday Herald (Sydney, NSW )Sunday 16 August 1953

"HON" KV A CftDEB CAOC India Tightens Her Grip On Kashmir m From Our London Office The Prime Minister of Pakistan, Mohammed Ali, as he sat in his study in Karachi last week, heard the most fearsome sound since he took office three months ago. A mob of thousands outside was shouting, "War with India." '"PHE issue is Kashmir, the major cause of bitter- ness between the two Com- monwealth countries for six years; the cause is India tightening her grip on the disputed State. The "Lion of Kashmir," gigantic, athletic Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah, is in a gilded cage stripped of his office as Kashmir Prime Mini- ster and under luxurious arrest. The Kashmir head of State has ousted him, say indepen- dent observers in Delhi, because he would no longer perform the tricks for his erstwhile keeper, Pandit Nehru. The Pakistanis, although Sheikh Abdullah was for years their enemy No. 1, are furious. For Abdullah has been replaced by a. solidly pro India regime which can be expected to take Kashmir further along the road to union with India. Sheikh Abdullah, a massive, 6ft 4in figure with flashing eyes and a rich, vibrant voice, has been in the centre of the Kashmiri controversy for 20 years, and during his six years as Prime Minister has ruled his country by personality as much as by principle. . It seemed that he had a hold on the affections of large numbers of Kashmiris. They have known him for 20 years as a fighter. Ever since he left Aligarh Univer- sity-where he became a Master of Science-he has been fighting. Through six years of fight- ing and then of a trail .of commissions delegations, and arbitrators Sheikh Abdul- lah has stayed in the job up- held by India and more often than not denigrated by Pakis- tan for being a Moslem who would not ally himself to thc Moslem world. His friend in India was Nehru, an old comrade of 20 years standing and, inciden- tally, a Kashmiri Brahmin by origin, and there is little doubt that Nehru looked to Abdullah to keep Kashmiri aligned with India, even though most Kash- miris are Moslems. But in the last year, snags began to arise. Sheikh Abdul- lah, who has been called thc "lion of Kashmir," no doubt because he has been undis- puted king of the Kashmiri political jungle, seemed to bc showing an. independent turn of mind. He decided on a general election in Kashmir-to pro- vide the disputed State with a constituent Assembly, and went through with it, despite United Nations protests. At the first meeting of the Assembly in thc white-washed summer palace of the Mahara- jah, Abdullah rose to speak of the advantages of a tie with India. But at the second meeting Abdullah was talking of thc Indian Parliament not having any jurisdiction over Kashmir. Later still came fighting words: "Sheikh Abdullah does not fear anyone in this world. He will not bow down before India or Pakistan or America or any other nation." A crisis could be seen ap- proaching from a great dis- tance. What seemed to be .appening was that while India and Pakistan squabbled over Kashmir and both claimed it, Kashmir herself began to rise and see a vision of indepen- dence. Abdullah began even to question the Act of Accession to India of 1947, which is thc basis of India's legal claim to Kashmir. Last week he said it might well be legally valid, but, he asked, was it morally valid? The people of Kashmir had had no chance to endorse it, and he pointed out that acces- sen to India by the Maharajah Hari Singh had been forced by circumstances rather than by desire. That, perhaps, was the end, or the cause of Abdullah's end as Prime Minister. Last week- end Abdullah was dismissed by the Maharajah's young son, Karan Singh, who stayed on ' when his father fled, and was eventually voted constitutional head of Kashmir. The reason given for his dis- missal is that a majority in Abdullah's Cabinet felt it has lost the backing of the people. At once a disclaimer that India had anything to do with the dismissal came from Delhi, but "The Times" correspondent pointed out that with 20,000 Indian soldiers in Kashmir, little could take place without Indian connivance. Nehru expressed his regrets that his old friend, Abdullah, should have come into conflict with other comrades in Kash- mir. He added that although he had not received the exact papers on the matter, he understood the dismissal was "in the interests of the peace of the State, which was threatened in various ways." But the situation is far from comforting to those seeking an end to the drag- ging Kashmiri dispute, lt is the issue closest to the heart of the Pakistanis, and is the signal for a new outbreak of bitterness against India. — 10b The Sunday Herald (Sydney, NSW ) Sunday 16 August 1953

The caged Lion of Kashmir FACT'S Delhi Correspondent "NJOBODY is sure what is going on under the grey, fleecy fez of Bakshi Ghulam Moham med. As he sipped tea from a decorated cup this week, his brown eyes quizzically masked the working of a., shrewd brain. Bakshi, 46, is self-ap- pointed Prime Minister of one of the world's trouble spots, the garden State o£ Kashmir, hemmed in by the Himalayan Mountains Kashmiri men use henna lo dye their beards red in this lund near the roof of the world, and anti-Communists fear thara sim- ilar tinge is getting into Kash- mir's politics. Bakshi, a schoolteacher turned politician, ran-'five key ministries -police, militia, public works, transport and supplies-before he seized the Prime Ministership from Sheikh Mohammed Abdul- lah three months ago. He is holding Abdullah pri- soner in the Udhamporc palace of the former Maharaja bf Kash- mir. Wife's, visit after three months ABDULLAH is fairly used to imprisonment, as he was under detention seven times be- fore he seized control of Kashmir from the Maharaja six years ago. Bakshi says he will keep him in custody as long as Kashmir's interests demand his detention as a danger to peace and tranquil- lity. Many of the deposed ruler's supporters risk arrest by shouting "Down with Bakshi! Long live Abdullah!" in the streets of Srina- gar, capital of the Slate of Jammu and Kashmir. Besides Abdullah, three of the 13 members of the executive and 20 of the 132 members of the general council are detained. Abdullah, at 49, is an imposing figure, 6ft 4in tall, with big teeth and spectacles. He, loo, wears a fez of grey karakul (fine-grade, curly, astra- khan fleece from mountain sheep). Otherwise he prefers Western clothes. His wife, the Begum Akbar Jahan, whom he married in 1932, and other members of their fam- ily of five have just seen Abdullah for the first time since his arrest. I His son, Sheikh Farookh, says j Abdullah is in good health and is allowed all the amenities he wants-five daily newspaper*;, a radio, and books. He can order any food he wants, Elephant with gold harness 'VUE captive Abdullah is writ 1 ing the story of his life. In il he is telling how, as the' I orphaned son of a poor shawl I dealer in the mud-hut village of . Soura, he got through the Mos- lem University at Aligarh as a ' Master of Science. Jammu and Kashmir were then ruled by His Highness. Maharaja air Hari Singh, who at his coro- nation wore cloth-of-gold robes, : a golden turban, ropes of pearls around Iiis bulging neck, and dia- monds in his ears. He rode an elephant with cold harness. At 28, Sir Hari married a daughter of the Maharaja of JJnarumpur in 1923. ABDULLAH Once more behind the bars. At 29, Sir Han was refencd to in court as "Mr. A," signer of a cheque for £150,000 which bookmaker Charles Robinson alleged the Midland Bank had wrongfully paid to some un- authorised person. The bank pleaded that the cheque had been extorted by a blackmailing plot to trap "Mr. A." in a compromising situation with Robinson's wife in a Paris hotel. A jury found there was such a conspiracy, but that Robinson and his wife were not parties to it. At 32, Sir Han took a second wife. He abolished child marriage in his Slate and tried to stamp out white-slave traffic in beautiful Kashmiri girls. Tribesmen rode down valley HE failed to rectify other social evils quickly enough for Abdullah, then a science master at the State High School Agitating for reforms, Abdul- lah and his friends were arrested Abdullah persuaded the Mos- lem Conference in 1939 tc change its name to Kashmii National Conference and take ir everyone who favoured demo- cratic government. This brought him into contact with Indian spiritual leader Mohandas Gandhi (who was as- sassinated in 1948) and Indian Congress leader Pandit Nehru (now Prime Minister of thc Republic of India). Known as Sher-I Kashmir (Lion of Kashmir), Abdullah had served five months of his seventh gaol sentence when Britain agreed to its Indian Empire becoming two dominions - India (predominantly Hindu) and. Pakistan (mostly Moslem) in 1947. Four-fifths of Kash- mir's four million im- poverished peasantry are Moslem. Sir Hari Singh, a Hindu, favoured his country's joining India. ? When Mos l e m mountain tribes men came galloping down the valley, Sir Hari and his entour- age fled in 20 motor cars, after asking for Indian troops' help. Grabbing control in Srinagar, Abdullah called for a joint gov- ernment pf Moslems, Sikhs and Hindus. In a speech to the United Nations in 1948 he opposed a move to set up a neu- tral interim govern- ment to hold a plebis- cite to decide which nation Kashmir would join. After 14 months of civil warfare, the U.N.' induced India and Pakistan to order a ceasefire, but moves for a plebiscite have failed. - Kashmir's Constitu- ent Assembly ended 105 years of dynastic Singh rule by abolish- ing the Maharaja's powers and title in 1952. The land is rich in forest wealth, copper, coal, bauxite and marble. At has water waiting to' bc used for irrigation and power. Its industrious people produce shawls, woollens, silks and deli- cate carvings. Tilled fields with wooden ploughs AS Prime Minister, Abdullah found most of its peasants living in mud huts with only a few pots and pans. They farmed with wooden ploughs and poor cattle. Exploited by feudal absentee landlords and widespread official corruption, they were heavily laden with debts. In his six years in power Ab- dullah . Increased rice rations to peasants. * . Scaled down debts, control- led rents. . Cancelled holdings of feudal landowners and gave land to peasants. . Stepped up spending on irri- gation, electricity, roads, educa- tion, medical and veterinary ser- vices. . Stimulated export of shawls and rugs to India. These reforms have benefited nearly three-fifths of the peasan- try, cultivating about 700,000 Troubled Kashmir, in the shadow of the Himalayan Mountains, is a source of anxiety for its neighbours. acres of Kashmir's 2,200,00 acres of cultivated land. (The State is about a quarter the size of New South Wales.) Abdullah's socialism was so fdr to the left that his Moslem opponents accused him of Com- munism and said withdrawal of Red support hastened his fall and led to his arrest. Communists, accused U.N. ob- servers of having been involved in a plot which deposed Abdul- lah. Accused master from Australia THEY contended that a school- teacher-missionary from Aus- tralia, Dr. Phillip Edmunds, was in toiich with this group," using his influence as a former British Intelligence officer." Edmunds, 45, slightly built and voluble, is head of Tyndale Biscoc Memorial School, Srinagar. His wife and two school-age sons are with him. He is an old boy of Melbourne High School and went on tc Melbourne and London Univer sities. Born in England, he wa; brought to Australia as a boy. .The- school he runs is sc famous that boys come frorr Tibet and Afghanistan. lt is named after its founder Canon Tyndale Biscoe, who was a Church of England missionary. . Mountaineering is a feature ol the school's training. Friends doubt whether Ed m unds was ever in the British Intelligence Corps. Edmunds has been in Kashmii eight years and is a persona friend of Pandit Nehru. Now anti-Communists arc looking askance at Abdullah'; successor, Bakshi, who has cn largcd his Cabinet by including: . Speaker Khwaja -Ghularr Mohammed . Sadiq as Vice Premier. . Skaushak Bakula, hea< lama of Ladak, as a deput; minister. Sadiq said recently that "n< imperialist, capitalist, U.N. U.S.A. sponsored plebiscite ad ministrators" would ever be ac ceptablc to Kashmir. Hostile to new air bases BAKULA is the first Ladaki in more than 120 years to hold office in the Government. Ladak province, in the eastern half of Kashmir, borders Tibet and Sinkiang, both run by Red China. From Srinagar, a correspon- dent of the London Communist newspaper, "Daily Worker," alleged that American armed forces wanted thc Kashmir val- ley as-a base for bombers within reach of Russia's Ural industrial areas: . The proposed U.S. military agreement with Pakistan caused Sadiq to declare this week: "Pakistan has no right to pro- vide bases for foreign Powers in the Gilgit district (on the Paki- stan side of thc cease-fire line in Kashmir). "Our people will never allow their homeland, to be turned into a war base by Powers threatening the freedom and solidarity of Asia." Prime Minister Nehru's state- ment that the proposed pact "would have far-reaching effects on the whole strucure of South- ern Asia" impelled,, India's fear that active American partnership with Pakistan would be taken as a provocation by thc Russians and the Chinese; — 11a The Sun-Herald (Sydney, NSW) Sunday 29 November 1953

The caged Lion of Kashmir FACT'S Delhi Correspondent "NJOBODY is sure what is going on under the grey, fleecy fez of Bakshi Ghulam Moham med. As he sipped tea from a decorated cup this week, his brown eyes quizzically masked the working of a., shrewd brain. Bakshi, 46, is self-ap- pointed Prime Minister of one of the world's trouble spots, the garden State o£ Kashmir, hemmed in by the Himalayan Mountains Kashmiri men use henna lo dye their beards red in this lund near the roof of the world, and anti-Communists fear thara sim- ilar tinge is getting into Kash- mir's politics. Bakshi, a schoolteacher turned politician, ran-'five key ministries -police, militia, public works, transport and supplies-before he seized the Prime Ministership from Sheikh Mohammed Abdul- lah three months ago. He is holding Abdullah pri- soner in the Udhamporc palace of the former Maharaja bf Kash- mir. Wife's, visit after three months ABDULLAH is fairly used to imprisonment, as he was under detention seven times be- fore he seized control of Kashmir from the Maharaja six years ago. Bakshi says he will keep him in custody as long as Kashmir's interests demand his detention as a danger to peace and tranquil- lity. Many of the deposed ruler's supporters risk arrest by shouting "Down with Bakshi! Long live Abdullah!" in the streets of Srina- gar, capital of the Slate of Jammu and Kashmir. Besides Abdullah, three of the 13 members of the executive and 20 of the 132 members of the general council are detained. Abdullah, at 49, is an imposing figure, 6ft 4in tall, with big teeth and spectacles. He, loo, wears a fez of grey karakul (fine-grade, curly, astra- khan fleece from mountain sheep). Otherwise he prefers Western clothes. His wife, the Begum Akbar Jahan, whom he married in 1932, and other members of their fam- ily of five have just seen Abdullah for the first time since his arrest. I His son, Sheikh Farookh, says j Abdullah is in good health and is allowed all the amenities he wants-five daily newspaper*;, a radio, and books. He can order any food he wants, Elephant with gold harness 'VUE captive Abdullah is writ 1 ing the story of his life. In il he is telling how, as the' I orphaned son of a poor shawl I dealer in the mud-hut village of . Soura, he got through the Mos- lem University at Aligarh as a ' Master of Science. Jammu and Kashmir were then ruled by His Highness. Maharaja air Hari Singh, who at his coro- nation wore cloth-of-gold robes, : a golden turban, ropes of pearls around Iiis bulging neck, and dia- monds in his ears. He rode an elephant with cold harness. At 28, Sir Hari married a daughter of the Maharaja of JJnarumpur in 1923. ABDULLAH Once more behind the bars. At 29, Sir Han was refencd to in court as "Mr. A," signer of a cheque for £150,000 which bookmaker Charles Robinson alleged the Midland Bank had wrongfully paid to some un- authorised person. The bank pleaded that the cheque had been extorted by a blackmailing plot to trap "Mr. A." in a compromising situation with Robinson's wife in a Paris hotel. A jury found there was such a conspiracy, but that Robinson and his wife were not parties to it. At 32, Sir Han took a second wife. He abolished child marriage in his Slate and tried to stamp out white-slave traffic in beautiful Kashmiri girls. Tribesmen rode down valley HE failed to rectify other social evils quickly enough for Abdullah, then a science master at the State High School Agitating for reforms, Abdul- lah and his friends were arrested Abdullah persuaded the Mos- lem Conference in 1939 tc change its name to Kashmii National Conference and take ir everyone who favoured demo- cratic government. This brought him into contact with Indian spiritual leader Mohandas Gandhi (who was as- sassinated in 1948) and Indian Congress leader Pandit Nehru (now Prime Minister of thc Republic of India). Known as Sher-I Kashmir (Lion of Kashmir), Abdullah had served five months of his seventh gaol sentence when Britain agreed to its Indian Empire becoming two dominions - India (predominantly Hindu) and. Pakistan (mostly Moslem) in 1947. Four-fifths of Kash- mir's four million im- poverished peasantry are Moslem. Sir Hari Singh, a Hindu, favoured his country's joining India. ? When Mos l e m mountain tribes men came galloping down the valley, Sir Hari and his entour- age fled in 20 motor cars, after asking for Indian troops' help. Grabbing control in Srinagar, Abdullah called for a joint gov- ernment pf Moslems, Sikhs and Hindus. In a speech to the United Nations in 1948 he opposed a move to set up a neu- tral interim govern- ment to hold a plebis- cite to decide which nation Kashmir would join. After 14 months of civil warfare, the U.N.' induced India and Pakistan to order a ceasefire, but moves for a plebiscite have failed. - Kashmir's Constitu- ent Assembly ended 105 years of dynastic Singh rule by abolish- ing the Maharaja's powers and title in 1952. The land is rich in forest wealth, copper, coal, bauxite and marble. At has water waiting to' bc used for irrigation and power. Its industrious people produce shawls, woollens, silks and deli- cate carvings. Tilled fields with wooden ploughs AS Prime Minister, Abdullah found most of its peasants living in mud huts with only a few pots and pans. They farmed with wooden ploughs and poor cattle. Exploited by feudal absentee landlords and widespread official corruption, they were heavily laden with debts. In his six years in power Ab- dullah . Increased rice rations to peasants. * . Scaled down debts, control- led rents. . Cancelled holdings of feudal landowners and gave land to peasants. . Stepped up spending on irri- gation, electricity, roads, educa- tion, medical and veterinary ser- vices. . Stimulated export of shawls and rugs to India. These reforms have benefited nearly three-fifths of the peasan- try, cultivating about 700,000 Troubled Kashmir, in the shadow of the Himalayan Mountains, is a source of anxiety for its neighbours. acres of Kashmir's 2,200,00 acres of cultivated land. (The State is about a quarter the size of New South Wales.) Abdullah's socialism was so fdr to the left that his Moslem opponents accused him of Com- munism and said withdrawal of Red support hastened his fall and led to his arrest. Communists, accused U.N. ob- servers of having been involved in a plot which deposed Abdul- lah. Accused master from Australia THEY contended that a school- teacher-missionary from Aus- tralia, Dr. Phillip Edmunds, was in toiich with this group," using his influence as a former British Intelligence officer." Edmunds, 45, slightly built and voluble, is head of Tyndale Biscoc Memorial School, Srinagar. His wife and two school-age sons are with him. He is an old boy of Melbourne High School and went on tc Melbourne and London Univer sities. Born in England, he wa; brought to Australia as a boy. .The- school he runs is sc famous that boys come frorr Tibet and Afghanistan. lt is named after its founder Canon Tyndale Biscoe, who was a Church of England missionary. . Mountaineering is a feature ol the school's training. Friends doubt whether Ed m unds was ever in the British Intelligence Corps. Edmunds has been in Kashmii eight years and is a persona friend of Pandit Nehru. Now anti-Communists arc looking askance at Abdullah'; successor, Bakshi, who has cn largcd his Cabinet by including: . Speaker Khwaja -Ghularr Mohammed . Sadiq as Vice Premier. . Skaushak Bakula, hea< lama of Ladak, as a deput; minister. Sadiq said recently that "n< imperialist, capitalist, U.N. U.S.A. sponsored plebiscite ad ministrators" would ever be ac ceptablc to Kashmir. Hostile to new air bases BAKULA is the first Ladaki in more than 120 years to hold office in the Government. Ladak province, in the eastern half of Kashmir, borders Tibet and Sinkiang, both run by Red China. From Srinagar, a correspon- dent of the London Communist newspaper, "Daily Worker," alleged that American armed forces wanted thc Kashmir val- ley as-a base for bombers within reach of Russia's Ural industrial areas: . The proposed U.S. military agreement with Pakistan caused Sadiq to declare this week: "Pakistan has no right to pro- vide bases for foreign Powers in the Gilgit district (on the Paki- stan side of thc cease-fire line in Kashmir). "Our people will never allow their homeland, to be turned into a war base by Powers threatening the freedom and solidarity of Asia." Prime Minister Nehru's state- ment that the proposed pact "would have far-reaching effects on the whole strucure of South- ern Asia" impelled,, India's fear that active American partnership with Pakistan would be taken as a provocation by thc Russians and the Chinese; — 11b The Sun-Herald (Sydney, NSW) Sunday 29 November 1953

Communist Bid For Kashmir By the FOREIGN EDITOR Despite recent Pakistani denials about leasing bases to the US, India remains apprehensive over the foreign policy of her Moslem neighbor. She neither wants Pakistan underwriting any Middle East de fence scheme nor facilitating an American foothold on the Indian sub-continent, but rather to fit into the Indian pattern of neutralism. This denial of indepen dence, however, seems almost too much to ask after partition, especially while Kashmir remains such a bone of contention between the two Dominions. In fact, ndian reaction over the -ases and the possible price is believed to have been partly conditioned by the fear that it would strengthen Pakistan in her stand over Kashmir. One of the main obstacles to a plebiscite agreement was the ratio of troops in the dis puted area. India insisted that before the plebiscite could be held Pakistan should limit her troops on the cease fire line, established by the ON in 1949, to 6.000, com pared with 21,000 Indian troops, which was roughly the proportion of their re spective areas. American aid to Pakistan. it- was feared, might upset this ratio, and also affect the question of a plebiscite administrator. In their last meeting, the Indian and Pakistani Prime Ministers agreed that a neutral admin istrator for the plebiscite should be appointed not later than April 30, 1954. while a joint committee representing both sides would iron out pre liminary issues that have baulked the UN Security Council since the dispute was referred to that body nearly six years ago. India maintains that the plebiscite administrator should not be an American or come from any of the great Powers, as this would tend to cast over Kashmir the shadow of the current world struggle between the demo cracies and the Communist states, from which India' has always tried to keep herself dissociated. And so the Kashmir dispute ' drags on into. its seventh year. .;' But while the two great Asian states pursue '? their, quarrel there is a ? growing' danger of a Pyrrhic victory for- either party. . There is increasing evidence' that the Communists are out' to steal the spoils. . .- -I:'' ? Some time ago, the In dian Communist ' . Party, which is by no means a negligible . quantity: viand causes : New. Delhi some anxiety, decided to- -switch ts chief interest from south to north India. It was- in fluenced by the fact- that communal feeling in the north is strong and offers scope 'for- manoeuvre; also the belief that it could-' not hope to gain control of the central government unless it irst won power, like the Chinese Communists, in some part of the country which has a land link with Russia. Hence the attrac tion of Kashmir. Even before the overthrow of Sheikh Abdullah a few months ago, the Commu nists were active in Kash mir, and although they ori ginally supported Abdullah they are believed to have . played a part in his down fall. The pro-Indians feared - that Abdullah was veering towards Pakistan, while the Communists particularly dis- '? liked the suggestion that he was planning to make Kashmir autonomous with a ? UN guarantee. The Com munists wanted to avoid this ' at all costs so as not to prejudice their own possible chances of seizing power in Kashmir at some future date. Consequently, al though India claimed that she was neither consulted nor gave advice leading' to the overthrow of Sheikh Abdullah, there seems little doubt that the Communists conspired with his pro Indian adversaries in Kash mir and Delhi and so hastened the coup. Some indication of the Communist price can be , seen in the fact that the new Deputy Premier and a leading power in the country is Ghulam Mahomed Sadik, who has made no secret of his Communism, while there are also several fellow tra vellers in Premier Bakshi's Cabinet. As for policy, Deputy Premier Sadik has already declared publicly that no 'imperialist, capi talist. UNO-USA sponsored plebiscite administrator' would ever be acceptable to ' , Kashmir, and there is a familiar Communist ring in the talk of opposing 'foreign capitalist interven- J tion.' /'??? \A * * -.£ ;. In. fact, despite' the agree- ''?-% ment between the Indian ; '.',? and Pakistani Premiers , the- . prospect of a free plebiscite/ -: to : settle the Kashmir dis- '?'; pute is thought to be get- -; ing steadily .more remote under Communist pressure, and public opinion is being worked up by tjhe compul- . . sory education .of ' party ? members. At the moment, ??*%' this may suit some of the' v-i officials in Delhi; if not Mr.' '?:?? Nehru.but Indian natibna-:'. lists may yet discover the;V ' truth of the- saying about i-.\ the need of a. long. spoon trffj'i sup with the devil. . -,\' ?: ? 3 Delhi is only .250 mlles?;'1 from the Kashmir border, v 5 and the Communists are; ,f; spending a lot of money in, 4? the Punjab which lies be-, :f, tween. ' The whole of nor- : ,'» them India, indeed, is highly/:* inflammable and a fruitful, Hs field for Communism., Many .'s of the Sikhs, who are dis-' i contented, with the present'' & Government, are tradition- -'-?? ally 'left' and the refugees ^ from Pakistan also have K their grievances. ? . .? . '^ But Mr. Nehru, who is well aware of how Mao Tse-tung rose to power in China, must also realise the danger of \ ; this new concentration of - Communist activity. ' The question is whether he can ' convey this danger to his . immediate lieutenants and ', make them appreciate the high price they are being asked to pay for their in- ' transigence over Kashmir. — 12a The Advertiser (Adelaide, SA) Saturday 5 December 1953

Communist Bid For Kashmir By the FOREIGN EDITOR Despite recent Pakistani denials about leasing bases to the US, India remains apprehensive over the foreign policy of her Moslem neighbor. She neither wants Pakistan underwriting any Middle East de fence scheme nor facilitating an American foothold on the Indian sub-continent, but rather to fit into the Indian pattern of neutralism. This denial of indepen dence, however, seems almost too much to ask after partition, especially while Kashmir remains such a bone of contention between the two Dominions. In fact, ndian reaction over the -ases and the possible price is believed to have been partly conditioned by the fear that it would strengthen Pakistan in her stand over Kashmir. One of the main obstacles to a plebiscite agreement was the ratio of troops in the dis puted area. India insisted that before the plebiscite could be held Pakistan should limit her troops on the cease fire line, established by the ON in 1949, to 6.000, com pared with 21,000 Indian troops, which was roughly the proportion of their re spective areas. American aid to Pakistan. it- was feared, might upset this ratio, and also affect the question of a plebiscite administrator. In their last meeting, the Indian and Pakistani Prime Ministers agreed that a neutral admin istrator for the plebiscite should be appointed not later than April 30, 1954. while a joint committee representing both sides would iron out pre liminary issues that have baulked the UN Security Council since the dispute was referred to that body nearly six years ago. India maintains that the plebiscite administrator should not be an American or come from any of the great Powers, as this would tend to cast over Kashmir the shadow of the current world struggle between the demo cracies and the Communist states, from which India' has always tried to keep herself dissociated. And so the Kashmir dispute ' drags on into. its seventh year. .;' But while the two great Asian states pursue '? their, quarrel there is a ? growing' danger of a Pyrrhic victory for- either party. . There is increasing evidence' that the Communists are out' to steal the spoils. . .- -I:'' ? Some time ago, the In dian Communist ' . Party, which is by no means a negligible . quantity: viand causes : New. Delhi some anxiety, decided to- -switch ts chief interest from south to north India. It was- in fluenced by the fact- that communal feeling in the north is strong and offers scope 'for- manoeuvre; also the belief that it could-' not hope to gain control of the central government unless it irst won power, like the Chinese Communists, in some part of the country which has a land link with Russia. Hence the attrac tion of Kashmir. Even before the overthrow of Sheikh Abdullah a few months ago, the Commu nists were active in Kash mir, and although they ori ginally supported Abdullah they are believed to have . played a part in his down fall. The pro-Indians feared - that Abdullah was veering towards Pakistan, while the Communists particularly dis- '? liked the suggestion that he was planning to make Kashmir autonomous with a ? UN guarantee. The Com munists wanted to avoid this ' at all costs so as not to prejudice their own possible chances of seizing power in Kashmir at some future date. Consequently, al though India claimed that she was neither consulted nor gave advice leading' to the overthrow of Sheikh Abdullah, there seems little doubt that the Communists conspired with his pro Indian adversaries in Kash mir and Delhi and so hastened the coup. Some indication of the Communist price can be , seen in the fact that the new Deputy Premier and a leading power in the country is Ghulam Mahomed Sadik, who has made no secret of his Communism, while there are also several fellow tra vellers in Premier Bakshi's Cabinet. As for policy, Deputy Premier Sadik has already declared publicly that no 'imperialist, capi talist. UNO-USA sponsored plebiscite administrator' would ever be acceptable to ' , Kashmir, and there is a familiar Communist ring in the talk of opposing 'foreign capitalist interven- J tion.' /'??? \A * * -.£ ;. In. fact, despite' the agree- ''?-% ment between the Indian ; '.',? and Pakistani Premiers , the- . prospect of a free plebiscite/ -: to : settle the Kashmir dis- '?'; pute is thought to be get- -; ing steadily .more remote under Communist pressure, and public opinion is being worked up by tjhe compul- . . sory education .of ' party ? members. At the moment, ??*%' this may suit some of the' v-i officials in Delhi; if not Mr.' '?:?? Nehru.but Indian natibna-:'. lists may yet discover the;V ' truth of the- saying about i-.\ the need of a. long. spoon trffj'i sup with the devil. . -,\' ?: ? 3 Delhi is only .250 mlles?;'1 from the Kashmir border, v 5 and the Communists are; ,f; spending a lot of money in, 4? the Punjab which lies be-, :f, tween. ' The whole of nor- : ,'» them India, indeed, is highly/:* inflammable and a fruitful, Hs field for Communism., Many .'s of the Sikhs, who are dis-' i contented, with the present'' & Government, are tradition- -'-?? ally 'left' and the refugees ^ from Pakistan also have K their grievances. ? . .? . '^ But Mr. Nehru, who is well aware of how Mao Tse-tung rose to power in China, must also realise the danger of \ ; this new concentration of - Communist activity. ' The question is whether he can ' convey this danger to his . immediate lieutenants and ', make them appreciate the high price they are being asked to pay for their in- ' transigence over Kashmir. — 12b The Advertiser (Adelaide, SA) Saturday 5 December 1953

One thought on “Kashmir and Sheikh Abdullah in Australian Press (1947-53)”

Mark Schmitz says:

February 18, 2013 at 11:11 AM

So close yet so far away.

Reply

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